A “decolonial camp” forbidden to whites is again held in general indifference

Former local elected official, Céline Pina is an essayist and activist. She had denounced in 2015 the salon of "the Muslim woman" of Pontoise and recently published Guilty Silence (Kero editions, 2016). With Fatiha Boutjalhat, she is the founder of Long live the Republic, secular and republican citizen movement calling to fight against all forms of totalitarianism and for the promotion of the essential universality of our republican values.

Imagine that there is an antenna of the Ku Klux Klan which decides to make, in France, a summer camp, exclusively reserved for whites, presented as the victims of an anti-segregationist State, incapable of enforcing the supremacy of the race Caucasian over all others. We would howl at racism, at fascism, at the return of the filthy beast, at the dark hours and at the fertile bellies, all rightly so. We would call to fight, in the name of our universalist and republican ideals, this nauseating ideology which hierarchizes men according to the level of melanin that their cells contain and we would recall that the culmination of the quest for the purity of the race gave the crime against humanity.

However, it is enough that the same racial delusions are carried by black or North African people, so that the rejection of the other in the name of the color of his skin is no longer seen as the mark of racism by the communitarian far left, but becomes a question of dignity, a way of showing off a community belonging reduced to ethnic acquests. Thus, for the second year in a row, a demonstration has been organized on our territory which no avowed racist had ever dared to dream of until now: to create a political summer university where, in the name of anti-racism, we chooses to select people according to the color of their skin and where non-mixing is compulsory: a "decolonial summer camp", reserved for people who are victims of "state racism" and expressly forbidden to whites, which will be held from August 12 to 17.

For these identities, the ban on whites is essential in their approach: their color is the mark of domination. The mixed couple is also excluded: it is necessary to read this article published on the site of the Party of the Indigenes of the republic, entitled "the half-breed and the white power": "The intimate relations, the bodies, the identities, do not escape the violence of racial social relations. The “mixed marriage” and its product, “the mestizo”, are the theater of this violence”.

This way of seeing the world and representing the links between men is hopeless. There are only two possible attitudes: identification or rejection. Skin color becomes the only legitimate belonging: Houria Bouteldja, spokesperson for the Indigenes of the Republic, in her book which assumes her racism from the title "The Whites, the Jews and us", says it very clearly: "I belong to my family, to my clan, to my neighborhood, to my race, to Algeria, to Islam”. The "I" has disappeared, the individual is no longer, only the "communitarized us" has the right of citizenship.

The organization of this camp is a political test

In this camp, children from 10 years old are admitted and are even entitled to a reduction. Allegiance and hatred are inculcated early.

Let's put things into perspective, however, this camp does not seem to be successful: it only concerns 210 people and to read the insistent mentions on the site pushing for word of mouth to multiply, the numbers do not seem to pulverize the reception capacities. More seriously, if their site is teeming with interviews and "political" texts, the language of which is pure solid oak, we find nothing on the content of the camp itself. What workshops? Which trainers? Which associations participate? Is the initiative so unrewarding that being tied to it is seen as counterproductive?

As for the registration form, it would make the heyday of a circle of psychoanalysts: written in paranoid mode, it seeks on the basis of a MCQ to find out if the candidate is indeed compatible with their vision of the racism of State. The financial difficulties that can be read implicitly in the appeals for donations testify to the difficulty in giving credibility to the event. As for their budget, which does not show any establishment or equipment rental lines, nor insurance, nor a security budget, one can wonder about its sincerity. The funniest being the refusal to indicate any address “for security reasons”. We give ourselves the thrills we can. To tell the truth, these identity activists risk nothing other than ridicule or that an abused owner, realizing that their demonstration is racist, ends up refusing the rental. No more no less. In summary, an opaque offer, little information on the reception and safety of people, outrageous postures and an artificial budget… All this is hardly serious.

However, if these nickel-plated feet seem to mark time in terms of organization, the damage that this ideology does to weak or fragile minds generates individual suffering and collective and political failures. Above all, more effective organizations such as the PIR, the CCIF, the UOIF are digging the same furrows. The only usefulness of this decolonial camp is its value as a political test: it is important to ensure that even and above all if power changes, cowardice in terms of speeches and actions remains, the silence of the press remains assured and that of the elites, acquired.

The reintroduction of an openly racist word, the reduction of identity in confinement to origins, the refusal of the melting pot of the nation in favor of racial separatism, the hierarchy of rights according to race, sex or confession and reference to Islam, to sanctify everything, it is around this verbal and mental blougi-bulga that the entire indigenist and Islamo-leftist fringe gathers: from the M'wasi collective, to Stop les controls au facies, from the Parti from the Indigenous Peoples of the Republic to fans of Alain Gresh and Tariq Ramadan, from the Marches for Dignity to the Lallab collective, via the CCIF. The ideology shared by all these small groups and personalities is characterized by the violent rejection of humanism, of this equality in rights of men because of the sharing of a common humanity.

Identity Trade Sorcerer's Apprentices

Skin color is for these racists who claim to be anti-racist activists the only absolute that allows us to think about human relationships. Which only exist through the balance of power. Also, for these activists, the only valid question is that of domination. If you are not dominant, you are dominated. End of the richness and complexity of social relations. Intelligence and benevolence lose what violence and interracial hatred gain. This spiritual and intellectual mediocrity is not just a poison that castrates personalities in the name of the community, it is also a vector of infantilism. The way of considering integration into society is reduced to finding someone responsible for his collective and personal failures, to accusing him and hating him if he is stronger by maintaining his frustration or to take revenge by hoping that it will mend the smugness of an immature ego hastily rebranded as “honour.” To infect young people with this ideological poison that dooms them to failure is to sabotage their future by depriving them of the very idea that they can have one. Finding their place in society becomes betraying their community, accepting common rule becomes submitting to the white oppressor. Placed in this contradictory injunction, the individual can no longer construct himself, only communitarian regression allows him to define himself, but for that, he must renounce being.

This is how these sorcerer's apprentices of the identity trade ultimately become gravediggers of freedom, emancipation and otherness on the backs of a youth who deserve better than to be the cannon fodder of the racialization of social and human relations .